Reincarnated: Vive La France-Chapter 98: "Germany does not lead. It threatens."

Palais Bourbon, Paris.

March 12, 1935

The chamber was restless before the bells even rang.

In the galleries above, reporters leaned over the railings, pens already moving.

Trying to find some controversy and report some spicy news.

On the floor, deputies gathered in uneven clusters, Radicals near the center, Socialists whispering tightly to the left, and old-line nationalists in the rear watching everyone else like they might be carrying knives.

Paranoid eh.

But you cannot judge them given the political condition of France.

Who knows someone might want to kill them in order to send a message.

The emergency session had been called less than twelve hours earlier, and yet nearly every seat was filled.

The creation of the German Luftwaffe had jolted even the most complacent.

"Disgraceful," muttered Deputy Mauclert, slamming his folder on the bench. "Open defiance of the Treaty. And we’re discussing it like it’s an academic paper."

Across the aisle, Édouard Daladier whispered to a colleague, "What matters now isn’t that Hitler built it. It’s that he told us he built it."

There was motion near the center Prime Minister Flandin stepping to the podium.

Quiet fell slowly.

The Speaker gaveled the air.

"Order. The chamber recognizes the Prime Minister."

Flandin adjusted his glasses and began without preamble.

"Gentlemen, what occurred yesterday was a breach. Open and deliberate. The German state has, by its own admission, violated Article 198 of the Treaty of Versailles, which prohibits the creation of an air force."

There were murmurs, but no surprise.

"The question now before us is not whether this happened it has. The question is what the French Republic shall do in response."

From the rear came a jeer: "Issue a pamphlet!"

Laughter broke out, quickly stifled.

Flandin’s tone didn’t waver. "This government does not seek war. But it will not drift into silence. We must weigh our options, military, economic, and diplomatic."

From the Socialist bench: "And if Britain weighs nothing?"

Flandin paused.

"Then France must weigh more."

There was applause, but it was thin and uneven.

Deputy La Roque of the Right stood. "And what of our own air defense? We barely maintain coordination between the ministries. Who commands our skies? The Minister of War or the Minister of Air?"

Another voice: "And what of the budget? What do we cancel to fund fighters we don’t have pilots for?"

Flandin held firm. "The Air Ministry will issue a full proposal within two weeks. The government is prepared to authorize immediate purchases if Parliament shows unity."

"You ask for unity while Britain offers silence," Daladier interjected. "And the Americans play isolationist."

From the rear, someone murmured, "Maybe Germany is the only one with a plan."

The remark stung the room.

Flandin caught it, but did not flinch.

"Let that be the last time such admiration is voiced in this chamber," he said coldly. "Germany does not lead. It threatens."

No one applauded.

Washington, D.C.

March 12, 1935

The tone across the Atlantic was calmer.

At the morning briefing in the State Department, Secretary Cordell Hull stood in front of a room of restless reporters.

His southern accent softened each word, but the content was no less important.

"The United States is not party to the Treaty of Versailles," Hull said, "but we remain interested in all matters that affect European stability."

A correspondent from the New York Times asked, "Mr. Secretary, is the President concerned?"

Hull replied carefully. "President Roosevelt believes in the path of disarmament and peace. However, he has asked that we remain in contact with our embassies. We are watching."

Pressed further, he added, "The United States speaks best through action, not statements."

Later that day, Roosevelt met privately with select advisers.

"This isn’t just about planes," he told them. "It’s about confidence. Europe’s losing it. And Hitler’s seizing it." freēwēbηovel.c૦m

Still, no official American condemnation followed.

Reims, France.

March 12, 1935

Back at the division camp, Moreau stood beside a field radio, listening as the BBC relayed summaries from London and Washington.

"The Chamber of Deputies in Paris remains divided. President Lebrun has declined comment. British Prime Minister Baldwin is expected to speak tomorrow. In Washington, reaction has been muted but measured..."

De Gaulle joined him outside the tent.

"America won’t act," he said flatly.

"No," Moreau agreed. "But they might listen. Eventually."

"What about Flandin?"

"He has courage," Moreau said. "But no compass."

De Gaulle didn’t smile. "And Gamelin?"

"He’s watching the weather," Moreau replied. "Waiting to see which way the wind is blowing."

They both looked east.

Where the clouds now carried thunder.

A day later, in a white-walled briefing room near Les Invalides, the French Air Ministry convened an internal session.

General Joseph Barès stood at the center, reading Göring’s words aloud again:

"The German airman will be the spearhead of the Reich..."

He closed the document slowly and turned to the gathered staff.

"We will issue a formal condemnation. That is expected."

"Will we respond militarily?" someone asked.

"With what?" another muttered. "Balloon squadrons and biplane scouts?"

Only one officer, Captain Henri Gallois, offered something different.

"We need integration," Gallois said. "Not just aircraft. Liaison. Coordination. Radios. Shared doctrine between air and ground."

Barès frowned. "You’re suggesting fusion of command?"

"I’m suggesting survival," Gallois replied.

Silence followed.

Then someone cleared their throat, and the conversation moved on.

But Barès made a note.

At night Moreau sat at a wooden table in the dim comms tent, typing carefully under flickering lamp light.

The wind had picked up outside.

To: Général Beauchamp

Subject: Preliminary Suggestion. Army-Air Coordination

Proposal: Creation of a field signals liaison course between ground units and reconnaissance air detachments.

Objective: Facilitate shared targeting, relay timing, and avoidance of fratricide in event of mobile operations.

Rationale: Current doctrine insufficient.

Recommend pilot program to test framework before expansion.

He paused, then typed:

Personal note: If we do not adapt now, we will be outmaneuvered before a single bullet is fired.

He signed it, slid it into a brown envelope, and sealed it.